(PPP; Hizb al-Sha‘b)

Supports Oslo, but calls for reconstruction of PLO and dialogue with anti-Oslo groups. Traces histy back to 1919 wh EEu immigrant Marxist Jews established grouping, wh (after an early split) became the Palestine Communist Party (PCP) in 1921 = the official Comintern section in Palestine from 1924. Brought Palestinians in, wh adopted anti-Zionist position > split in 1943, with Arabs forming National Liberation League (Usbat al-Taharrur al-Watani). Was close to the Palestinian labour movement; at 1st with Palestinian Arab Workers’ Soc (established 1925), led by Sami Taha (b.1916, nr Jenin; raised in Haifa); but with the opposition of these groups to factional politics, came into conflict with them → Taha assassinated, prob on orders of Hajj Amin, in 1946 in Haifa. Also established more orthodox, non-nationalist workers’ bloc, Federation of Arab TUs and Labour Socs (FATULS) in 1942 out of Haifa members of the PCP; became the Arab Workers’ Congress in 1945. 1st congress of NLL was in Haifa, 1944, elected 4-person central committee with Fu’ad Nassar as most prominent of the 4 [?] / Fu’ad Nassar as S-G [?], opposed Zionism and proposed that interests of Jews and Arabs cd best be served by a secular democratic state; but after GAR181, despite the intense opposition of many members grouped around Emile Touma, NLL officially accepted partition in Jan 48 general conference (wh Touma’s majority go did not attend; Fu’ad Nassar elected S-G). 

With 1948 war, members in Gaza (inc Fakhri Maki, Fayez al-Wahidi) became Palestinian Communist Org (PCO; after ‘67 formed United National Front with many other nationalist groups in Gaza, and much more supportive of armed resistance > eliminated in Israeli security sweeps), and those left in Israel (inc Emile Touma, Emile Habibi, Tawfiq Toubi) after 1948 formed Israel Communist Party; in West Bank, NLL continued until 1951, calling for an independent Palestinian State in the areas allocated to Palestinians in the partition plan > opposed to both Arab States’ 'invasion' / 'aggression' of 1948 and Jordanian annexation: saw opportunity to develop its support among West Bankers wh shared their opposition to Jordan » quickly set up cells thruout West Bank 1949-51, campaigning for a boycott of Jordanian elections. 1st demo on 31/3/50 in Nablus, with all c.50 protestors arrested. Also took over Ramallah Workers Assoc in 1950-1, wh was then crushed by the authorities and leaders arrested » in future, avoided mobilising workers and sought support primarily from intelligentsia (esp teachers, seen as the conduit to students, wh JCP most sought to influence), esp under direction of S-G Fu’ad Nassar, an uneducated Christian, from 1951. Also with Jordanian annexation, changed course: became the Jordanian Communist Party (JCP) in Jun51 and dropped demand for an independent State (Cohen dates this shift to mid-50s, cf Sahliyeh) > participated in Aug51 Jordanian Parliamentary elections, and pledged its support to the unity of the Bnks. Main leaders were Fu’ad Nassar, Fahmi al-Salfiti, Fa’iq Warrad; run by a Central Committee. JCP built a strong base in Hashimite West Bank, primarily working through the intelligentsia in Nablus and Jerusalem, and had a large branch in the village of Salfit nr Nablus, wh was the home of several leading activists (Fahmi al-Salfiti, Hamza al-Zirr, Arabi Awwad); also active in Ramallah, Bethlehem, and in refugee camps (esp around Jericho): despite this base in the intelligentsia, JCP publications continued to address workers and peasants 1stly, in keeping with international communist doctrine; but also sought wider appeal, paying attention in its publications to the problems of the petit bourgeois and the 'uprooted' (ie refugees). Also worked extensively through 'front' orgs, esp the 'Peace Partisans' (pro-SU antinuclear group), the Democratic Youth Assoc (from 1954, in large West Bank towns) and the National Front (from May54), established to fight Oct 54 elections, and wh succeeded in winning a seat in Nablus for ‘Abd al-Qadir Salih. Heavily persecuted: Nasir arrested 29/12/51 and sentenced to 10 yrs, and JCP printing press seized; and new legislation promulgated by Jordanian Parliament on 1/12/53, prescribing imprisonment and hard labour for JCP members. But managed to operate covertly, successfully recruiting members from 1953, and became strongest in period 1956-7, against b/ground of Suez war: mobilised against Anglo-Jordanian Treaty and Eisenhower doctrine, pro-SU. National Front won 3 seats in '56 elections, for Fa’iq Warrad (Ramallah), Yaqub Ziyadin (Jerusalem) and Salih again, wh was made Agriculture Minister under Nabulsi government. Many members, inc Fu’ad Nassar, released from prison; and JCP newspaper allowed to circulate. Main competition with Ba'thists wh stayed out of National Front. Downplayed its anti-religion tenets, stressing struggle against colonialism. Husayn began to act against JCP in Jan57, singling out JCP to justify his banning of pol parties in Apr: accused JCP of striving for peace, and maintaining contacts, with Israel; Warrad and Ziyadin had Parliamentary immunity lifted and were sentenced to 16 and 19 years respectively; large no of other arrests, with mosques esp used by the regime to identify and condemn members. As a result, v. weak by end of 1950s, with minimal public activities, instead focusing on carefully training cadres. Only managed to continue secretly printing its approx. monthly newspaper, Al-Muqawama Al-Shaabiya (The Popular Struggle) consistently from 1949. Riven by internal split before long: faction under al-Salfiti (acting S-G), preferred accomodation with Hashimites, oppg 1966 West Bank strikes; whilst faction under Nasir (exiled S-G), was more opposed to Jordanian government.

After ‘67, al-Salfiti (and his successor Warrad) ran JCP in Amman; West Bank affairs run by Na’im al-Ashhab. Other prominent West Bank leaders were Sulayman al-Najjab, ‘Arabi ‘Awwad and (later) Bashir Barghuthi. al-Salfiti’s group accepted SCR242, discouraged guerrilla groups and called on Husayn to lead the opposition to Israeli occupation; whilst Nasir’s group took opposite stance on these issues. Ashhab also opposed commencement of guerrilla activities (wh he argued reqd extensive preparation, seeing it at the current stage as counterproductive) and strove reuniting EandWest Banks = put main emphasis of slowing the refugee exodus from West Bank (the lesson of ‘48) and non-violent protest. Newspaper relaunched as Al-Watan. West Bank communists remained pro-Jordan, eg in Higher Committee for National Guidance, wh delegates opposed an independent Palestinian State until 1973. But opposition to guerrillas and support for Jordan discredited JCP after Karameh, esp as West Bankers and SU came to support Fatah > JCP-West Bank increasingly broke with internationalism of JCP-Amman and began to articulate a more clear Palestinian nationalist position » by 1973 was supporting an independent Palestinian State in WBG. In addition, other Arab communist parties, working through Fu’ad Nassar, created own guerrilla force, Quwwat al-Ansar (Partisan Forces) in Mar70, tho remained largely ineffective due to JCP’s lack of support. JCP backed, at Fatah’s insistence, the call for ‘total liberation’, but privately accepted Israel’s existence and continued to advocate a settlement with Israel based on SCR242 (eg did not sign the ‘unity document’ of 6May70 wh rejected 242). Instrumental in creating the Palestinian National Front in 1973; Fu’ad Nassar was accepted as a PNC member at the 10th PNC of 1/73 (tho d.1976); and began to form a military wing to the PNF from 1974; but with mass Israeli arrests in 1974 in response to PNF’s successes, JCP came to recognition that cd not continue work in West Bank with associated armed activities > abandoned by 1975, and ‘moderate’ Bashir al-Barghuthi took control wh Sulayman al-Najjab was deported. 

In 1975, West Bank JCP finally split, with Salfiti’s supporters forming separate Palestine Communist (Youth: dropped 1977) Org; whilst JCP formed a separate Palestinian branch, also called Palestinian Communist Org (run by a Steering Committee), but wh became an autonomous group, the Palestine Communist Party (again), on 10Feb82. Received popular support in labour unions: had reactivated the General Federation of LUs in 1969, directly controlling 12/30 of these unions (tho most were small); but this had little function other than issuing statements. Also utilised the voluntary work programme and student groups (wh communists dominated in 70s, only ceding position to Fatah later) for support. Bashir al-Barghuthi was editor-in-chief of al-Fajr from 1975-7; al-Watan and al-Tali’a (most popular weekly in the West Bank) were more direct organs, building popular support. Was to join the PLO in the ‘Aden agreement’ of 1984, but PLO reneged; eventually joined in Apr87, accepting a seat for its leader, Sulayman al-Najjab, in PLO-EC. Served as a main force in the intifada (wh member of UNLU). Opposed to ‘Arafat (eg in Democratic Alliance). With decline of communism in EEu, became PPP (Oct91): Bashir al-Barghuthi remained S-G, taking key role in Oslo negotiations; and supporting a mixed economy. Now led (from Oct98 third convention in Ramallah) by Mustafa Barghuthi, Hana Amira and ‘Abd al-Majid Hamdan. Other leaders inc Fu’ad Hana Rizq, ‘Abd al-Rahman Awad Alah, Hasan ‘Asfur. Member of NIF.

See: Cohen, 1982; Sahliyeh, 1988; Mseis 1991; website.

(al-Jabha al-Sha‘biyya li-Tahrir Filastin)

Formed in ‘67 with basis in the Arab Nationalists’ Movement (Harakat al-Qawmiyya al-Arab). Origins in the sense that Arab disunity and pro-Wn leanings of leaders (esp Abdullah and Nuri al-Said) were responsible for al-Nakba; George Habash and Hani al-Hindi (a Syrian volunteer in 1948 war), both students at the American University of Beirut, started by helping in the formation of the Battalions of Arab Sacrifice (al-Kata'ib al-Fida' al-Arabi), led by Tawfiq al-Hakim (influences from Garibaldi, the Italian Carbonari, the Young Italy Movement, Bismarck, the Ikhwan and the Syrian National Party: ie strain of fascism {Sayigh, 1997, p.72}), wh used violence against Wn targets; but after al-Kata'ib leadership was captured after attempted assassination of Adib Shishakli in 1950, Habash and al-Hindi decided upon a more focused campaign against Israel (influences of Ikhwan, Haganah and Zionist underground; Habash also strongly influenced by Qustantin Zurayk and Sati‘ al-Husri) through the student group, al-Urwa al-wuthqa (‘The Firmest Bond’; name taken from Afghani and ‘Abduh's periodical), they had been organising from 1949-50 at the American University of Beirut; also recruiting Wadi‘ Haddad (Abu Hani), a Greek Orthodox Christian refugee from Safad; Ahmad al-Khatib, a Kuwaiti medical student; Muhsin Ibrahim, a Shi‘i Lebanese teacher »» formed what became the ANM with assistance of student groups in Lebanon/Syria/Jordan in 1951-2 (tho only took the name in 1956, with 1st conference): liberation of Palestine as primary goal, but seen as possible only through wider anti-colonial campaign in Arab States. Strongly secularist orientation drew Christians into its ranks. Slow growth, esp with dominance of Ba‘thists; but expanded in 1956-7 largely through the recruitment of teachers in UNRWA camps in West Bank, Syria and Lebanon (through recruits Ahmad al-Yamani, ‘Abd al-Karim al-Hamad); its branch in the Aden region, the National Liberation Front, was esp strong, and was a key part of the 1967 formation of South Yemen. Used al-Hurriyya (Freedom) magazine as outlet, ed. by Muhsin Ibrahim. With demos against the Baghdad Pact, 22 mostly ANM students were expelled from AUB and were offered places by Nasir at Cairo University » came to coordinate with him more closely, esp after Suez crisis » became firmly supportive of Nasir and campaign shifted from coordinating commando raids on Israel to undermining of Hashimites and assisting of Palestinians in Lebanon civil war in 1958, with Syrian help (esp ‘Abd al-Hamid al-Sarraj, interior minister); derived much of its support through its closeness to Nasir (eg dominance of the General Union of Palestine Students by mid60s). But with 1961 and failed 1963 Syrian coup, shifted base back to Beirut. In 1959, decided that a separate Palestinian committee shd be formed to respond to increased rhetoric from Nasir, but did not form a separate branch; only with increased dominance of those within ANM wh argued that soc revn thruout Arab world was a necessary prerequisite for Palestine liberation (Ibrahim, Hawatmah, Md Kishli), their opponents in the ANM, impatient with ideological debate, regrouped (to much internal contention) at May1964 National Conference to form the Palestinian Action Command, an autonomous Palestinian branch; refrained from military action at Nasir’s insistence, but were more sympathetic (esp Haddad) to commando action, esp with PLA formation and Fatah’s commencement of actions > quietly undertook preparatory steps from late63 through the ‘Struggle Apparatus’ and cd claim 1st ‘martyr’ on 2Nov64 reconnaissance mission; used weekly Filastin to promote views. Increased moves to armed struggle, esp with Nasir’s increased bellicosity (and some tension with Egypt) and with urgency added by argument that Israel wd soon have NWs and wd have fully settled the Negev > formed alliance with PLO/PLA (wh sought popular legitimacy through the struggle) to form Heroes of Return (Abtal al-‘Awda, led by Wajih al-Madani {PLA commander}, with Fayiz Jabir and Subhi al-Tamimi from ANM), commencing attacks from Oct66; public rhetoric becomes increasingly similar to that of Fatah. ANM thoroughly disillusioned by ‘67 war, at 1st stressing need for careful preparation for military operations; but with popular pressure, Fatah’s relaunch in OTs and Ahmad Jibril’s Palestine Liberation Front announcing the commencement of armed activities, moved to immediate start of combat operations: joined with Jibril’s PLF, the Heroes of Return and a group of Jordanian Nasirites led by Ahmad Za‘rur to form the PFLP, whose presence was announced through a (failed) attack (11Dec). Altho based in Syria, tensions with authorities, wh suspected them of involvement in coup planning, esp given the historic tension between the ANM and Ba‘thist > arrested Habash and 2 other leading members (19Mar68), holding them until Habash escaped in Nov > leadership left to Za‘rur and Jibril. With Habash in prison, leftists led by Hawatmah managed to call a conference to issue a 'Basic Pol Statement', criticising Nasir (Aug68) > Nasir cut off aid to PFLP. PFLP’s decision to withdraw at battle of Karameh led to extensive internal disputes > Jibril broke away to form PF-GC with Za’rur and approx.1/4 of PFLP; Hawatmah and Yasir ‘Abd-Rabbu led the leftists out to form PDFLP (Maoist / Trotskyist), arguing that ANM was cooperating excessively with Arab governments rather than undermining them (assisted by Fatah, Sa’iqa and PLA): with Lebanese branch, took control of al-Hurriyya > PFLP started al-Hadaf (Target), a wkly, ed by Ghassan Kanafani (and after his assassination, by Bassam Abu Sharif). But with enhanced prestige for guerrillas, also brought large nos of new recruits. Out of guerrilla groups, most strongly viewed Israelis as enemies, beginning high profile and international attacks from Jul 68, coordinated esp by Haddad. Remained wary of PLO, wh it viewed as vulnerable to Arab States’ influence > took seats in PNC from May 68 (tho again boycotted Feb 69-May 70), but did not join PLO. PDFLP split encouraged Marxist and Maoist turn rhetorically (declared itself a Marxist-Leninist organisation from its Feb 69 national congress), tho leadership remained the same > ANM dissolved (in effect), with PFLP formally the Palestinian branch of a wider pan-Arab (but otherwise non-existent) party; this turn also led to a break with Egypt > Iraq, under Ba'thists, became main source of funding. Has seen Palestinian liberation as part of wider Arab revolution, urging and involving itself in the overthrow of ‘reactionary’ Arab regimes, and the internationalization of the Palestinian problem (> attacks and hijacking outside ME); rejected the call for a democratic State in PLO Charter of Sept69. Only joined PLO (w PF-GC) wh it saw Fatah turn against Hashimites in May70: and remained with only token participation in PNCs until Jul71 when joined PLO-EC. 

Internal rifts after Black September, with many of the younger cadres blaming the leadership’s strategy for provoking the massacres at Mar 72 national congress > temporary suspension of international violence (in part due to SU pressure; but resumed in Feb 72), condemnation of hijacking (5/11/70) and dissolution of central committee; also failed secession of the left in Mar 72. With Habash and Hindi retreating from leadership roles from 1972, PFLP increasingly led by Mustafa al-Zabri (for West Bank, Jordan), Ahmad al-Yamani (for Lebanon), Muhammad al-Musallami (for Gaza); a central committee was re-established in Feb73, and politburo in Jun73, but internal splits meant that Habash and his “central leadership” body were in control. Tension with Syria also constrained activities after 1973; few terrorist attacks (esp explosion of oil storage tanks in Singapore 31 Jan 75 and suicide bomb in Tel Aviv cinema 11 Dec 74) and failed assassination of King Husayn (1975) > gradually reduced guerrilla activities. However, has generally favoured armed struggle over diplomacy, and rejected solutions involving partition > formation of Rejection Front in Oct 74 under Iraqi aegis, and led campaign in Lebanon against the phased programme, under Taysir Quba‘a; criticism of SU, due to its 2 State soln proposals. Also, due to unwillingness to restrain activities against Syria and retreat from alliance with Junblatt during Lebanese civil war (cf Fatah) in 1976, lost substantial no of its fighters » v.weak at time of Mar 77 PNC, and unable to win support for their opposition to Fatah’s programme. Only rejoined PLO after ‘unity statement’ of Dec77 wh rejected Sadat’s initiative and SCR242, and rejected negotiation, recognition, peace with Israel, claiming that ‘phased’ pol programme of Jun74PNC was over (also in part due to Iraqi reconciliation with conservative Arab governments » danger in losing their source of support). After Wadi’ Haddad’s death from cancer (28Mar78), claimed no longer to support ‘external operations’; but has continued to attempt the assassination of individuals it sees as traitors: esp Shaykh Khuzundar in 1979, Zafir al-Masri in 1986, and successfully intimidated (and firebombing of the 2 cars of) Hanna Sinioria (editor of al-Fajr) for standing in the Jerusalem municipal council elections in Jun87. PFLP’s attempts to regroup opposition to Fatah after Camp David failed, prompting reexit from PLO-EC and cooperation with Abu Nidal faction (Jan79). From late79, obtained support primarily from Syria, SU, Libya, and became critical of Iraq and China. However, shift of strategy at Apr-May81 national congress, wh accepted that partition cd be 1st step t/w total liberation. Outside PLO-EC again from 1985-7, and from Jan92 wh called for withdrawal from Madrid process. Retracted by May92, insisting instead for terms of participation in talks to be changed. By Sept, joined with DFLP in calling for negotiations to be based on SCR242 > led to opposition coalition of 10 being formed in Damascus. Came to be led by Mustafa al-Zabri as Habash moves out of centre stage, formally from the 6th national congress in Jul00, until his assassination in Aug01. Ahmad Sa'adat was elected to replace him in Oct01. Other leaders include ‘Abd al-Rahim Malluh (non-participating member of the PLO-EC, deputy S-G from Oct01), Taysir Quba‘a, Jamil al-Majdalawi (in Gaza), Mahayr al-Tahir (PF spokesman, based in Damascus), Ahmad Qatamish, Sabir Muhyi al-Din. 1st meeting between ‘Arafat and PF reps on 1Aug99 in Cairo to discuss reconciliation; left the Damascus 10 grouping, and participates in the NIF. "Political initiative" of 30 Oct 00 is clearest in its limited call for a State in the 1967Ts.

PFLP central institutions are: 

i) the national congress, the supreme governing body, supposedly meeting every 4 years, but has only met 6 times, in Aug68 (‘left’ wing vs ‘right’), Feb69 (accepting Marxist-Leninism), Mar72 (critique of PF’s role in Jordan), Apr-May81 (accepting an independent Palestinian State), Feb93 (Habash-led criticism of the acting leadership, for compromising too much with Fatah), Jul 00 (appointing Zabri as S-G, recognising reality of the PA whilst reiterating ultimate goal of all Palestine). Also extraordinary session in Oct 01, after Zabri's murder, electing Sa'adat as S-G. National congress elects the central committee; 

ii) the central committee, making policies between congress sessions and intended to meet every 6 months; elects the secretary-general and politburo members; 

iii) the politburo, acting wh central committee is not in session. At branch, regional and district levels, the PFLP operates through supervisory congresses and supervisory commands, wh inter alia elects representatives to the higher organisational levels. Next level down is the league (made up of 3-5 cells). On the ground, the PFLP operates through cells and circles, consisting of 3-10 members and trainees, each with own leader and wh are responsible for the training of recruits.

See esp: Shemesh, 1996; Cohen, 1982; Cubert, 1997; website; older website.

(DFLP; al-Jabha al-Dimuqratiyya li-Tahrir Filastin)

Formed from break in Feb 69 (as Popular DFLP; name change in Aug 74) from PFLP, calling for more Maoist and non-Nasirist approach in opposition to Habash > demanded socialist policy and alignment of Arab world, drawing models from China, Vietnam and Cuba. Led by Nayif Hawatmah, Yasir ‘Abd Rabbu, ‘Abd al-Karim Hammad (Abu Adnan or Abu Qays; from Upper Galilee, a founder of ANM), Qays Samarra’i; worked in parallel with Muhsin Ibrahim's Org for Communist Action in Lebanon, which provided al-Hurriyya weekly newspaper to the DF. Also publd al-Sharara (The Spark, after Lenin's Iskra). Critical of international terrorism (esp since it was conducted by PFLP), seeing it as a poor substitute for mass action. Despite its criticism of ‘Arafat, has always supported PLO unity; was foremost in articulating the goal of a democratic State to serve as a home for Arabs and Jews, accepting Jewish claims to nationhood and the role for Jews in creating the democratic State. Supported concept of a national authority from Nov73, esp articulated in Hawatmah's 24/2/74 speech, claiming this wd allow the struggle for return to the homeland to continue » was the strongest proponent of Jun74PNC resn. Was also opposed to the division between Jordan and Palestine, arguing that as it was a British creation, it was unnatural » popular movements in both shd unite. Has never advocated violence outside ME; pro-Soviet, reciprocated in SU funding, and strong Christian content. Due to its advocacy of 2 State soln, has tho used violence in Israel to achieve its radical credentials (and thus funding, esp after Iraq cut funds in 1974), eg Ma’alot 1974 wh brought in Libyan assistance, and W.Jerusalem bombing of 20Dec74 wh killed 12 Israelis. Despite general support for PLO/PNC, shifted allegiance to the rejectionist front in May78, criticising ‘Arafat’s autocratic style of leadership, continued links to Egypt and closeness to Saudi, as well as Fatah’s attempts to lead PLO into peace process with US. Joint memorandum with 4 rejectionist groups (24May78) also condemned PLO’s policy of restraint in Lebanon. Prominent later DF-CC members include Jamil Hilal (head of information; also Secretariat of GUPWJ), Sa‘id ‘Abd al-Hadi (secretary to international relations dept) and Azmi Shu‘aybi; other present leaders include Taysir Khalid (ie Mahmud Odeh, a non-participating member of the PLO-EC), Charles Sawwan, Salah Zaydan (head of DFLP in Gaza, member of politburo) and Farid Sarru‘. DFLP split in 1990-1, with ‘Abd Rabbu supporting ‘Arafat in dealings with US (as he acted as head of PLO side in this 1988-90); after armed clashes between contending factions in Syria in Aug90, formed non-Marxist Fida (Apr91). Remaining DFLP joined Syria-based opposition; but argued that should recognise the legitimacy of the Dec98 PNC in Gaza. By Aug99, engaged in meetings with PLO representatives and ‘Arafat to bring them back into the fold > produced joint statement with Fatah defining the Palestinian “red lines”, and agreeing that a Palestinian referendum shd be held before any final deal with Israel is ratified. Expelled from Damascus 10 grouping, and participates in NIF.

DFLP central institutions are: 

i) the national congress, the supreme governing body, wh has only met in Aug70 (escalating anti-Hashimite rhetoric) and May81; 

ii) the central committee, wh elects the secretary-general and politburo members; 

iii) the politburo, acting wh central committee is not in session.

See esp: Shemesh, 1996; Mseis, 1991

(al-Qiyada al-'amma): 

Established by Ahmad Jibril & Ahmad Za’rur in October 1968 in split from PFLP, again splitting in ‘68 between 2 founders, with latter forming Organization of Arab Palestine. Participated in PLO-CC meetings, but only joined PNC & PLO-EC in 1974. Jibril’s PFLP-GC has always been pro-Syria (eg support for Syria’s intervention in Lebanon in 1976 against PLO > PLF split). Libyan aid from 1969, but declined due to internal divisions from Sept70; regained prominence with Qiryat Shmona raid of Apr74; brought in more Libyan & Iraqi aid. Desire for reconciliation with Syria, however, led it to support Jun74PNC; later retracted wh dissent within organisation, & joined Rejectionist Front. With increased dispute between Palestinian groups after Camp David, PF-GC became main conduit for Libyan aid. Joined Fatah-Uprising in ‘83, leaving PLO (& excluded from Nov84 PNC); member of National Alliance & PNSF. Gained in popularity in OTs with its popular radio programme Al-Quds, broadcast from Sn Syria during intifada. From 1989, cultivated ties with Iran, attending Isl conference in Tehran in Dec90. Later joined Damascus 10, but participates in NIF. Has used innovative means of armed struggle, eg Nov87 attack on Israeli army base by handglider (killing 6 Israeli soldiers), & its capture of an Israeli soldier in 1978 & subsequent exchange for 83 Palestinians prisoners: these acts won it respect; it has a well developed presence in Lebanon, but has failed to hold onto support in OTs. Deputy secretary-general is Talal Naji, wh is now effectively the leader. Other main leaders have included Abu-l-Abbas (spokesman), ‘Abd al-Fattah Ghanim (both of whom left to establish PLF), Abu Husam (Libyan rep), Fadl Shrur.

See: A.Strindberg, Jane's Intelligence Review, 13.10.00.

(Sa'iqa = storm, lightning bolt)

Commando group formed by (& mostly consisting of) Syrian Ba‘thists officially in Sept1966, but operationalised by Ba‘th party only in Dec68 to rival Fatah & to support Jadid in his power struggle with Asad for Syrian leadership. Original leadership consisted of Yusuf Zu’ayyin [former pro-Jadid PM of Syria?], Mahmud al-Ma‘ayta (from Nov70); but were replaced with Asad loyalists after the Nov70 coup; pro-Jadid branch remained active in Jordan until Jun71, wh leaders arrested » Zuhayr Muhsin appointed S-G. An early supporter of the 'national authority' proposal in 1974, & was a co-sponsor of the resn to the PLO-CC. Strictly pan-Arabist, denying a Palestinian identity except as a tactical manoevre (Mar77 interview with Muhsin: MECS1976-7: 185). Due to Syrian support, often the 2nd largest Palestinian commando group in fighting strength. Zuhayr Muhsin was assassinated in Cannes, Jul79; more recently led by ‘Isam al-Qadi (S-G from 1979), with deputy as Md Khalifah (who sits on the PLO-EC), Sami al-‘Atari & Majid Muhsin (head of operations in Lebanon; Zuhayr's brother). Consistently pro-Syria, even fighting alongside Syrian forces in Lebanon in 1976 against all other PLO forces > disqualified from PLO until Syria pressured for its rehabilitation (Dec76); & large no of defections from Sa‘iqa at this pt. Thereafter, lobbied within PLO mostly against Fatah's links with conservative regimes, esp with Egypt > member of National Alliance & PNSF. Anti-Madrid & Oslo, & leading member of the “Damascus 10”; nevertheless, participates in NIF from 2000.